Paul Krugman on Twitter –
As Republicans in Congress line up to help Trump obstruct justice, think for a minute about what is going on, and what it says about the state of the GOP. These guys are hacks and apparatchiks, most of whom know nothing about policy. But they’re not idiots.
Surely the vast majority of Republicans in Congress have privately reached the same conclusions as anyone reading the news: Trump is deeply corrupt, his campaign colluded with a foreign power, and he may well be subject to blackmail that is shaping US policy.
But they’re running cover for him anyway — with not one serious dissenter. So we’re looking at a whole party so addicted to power, so determined to serve donors’ interests, that it’s essentially willing to condone treason. Trump is a symptom of a much deeper rot.
I’ve been cynical about the state of conservatism for a long time, but even I find it hard to wrap my mind around this — not to mention the corruption of conservative media, evangelicals, and more. With this much rot, you really do wonder how the republic survives.
Democratic Party files lawsuit alleging Russia, the Trump campaign and WikiLeaks conspired to disrupt the 2016 campaign
The Washington Post
Tom Hamburger, Rosalind S. Helderman, and Ellen Nakashima
The Democratic National Committee filed a multimillion-dollar lawsuit Friday against the Russian government, the Trump campaign and the WikiLeaks organization alleging a far-reaching conspiracy to disrupt the 2016 campaign and tilt the election to Donald Trump.
The complaint, filed in federal district court in Manhattan, alleges that top Trump campaign officials conspired with the Russian government and its military spy agency to hurt Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton and help Trump by hacking the computer networks of the Democratic Party and disseminating stolen material found there.
The case asserts that the Russian hacking campaign — combined with Trump associates’ contacts with Russia and the campaign’s public cheerleading of the hacks — amounted to an illegal conspiracy to interfere in the election that caused serious damage to the Democratic Party.
More than 206,000 students have experienced gun violence at school since Columbine
The Washington Post
John Woodrow Cox, Steven Rich, Allyson Chiu, John Muyskens, and Monica Ulmanu
The Washington Post has spent the past year determining how many children have been exposed to gun violence during school hours since the Columbine High massacre in 1999.
Beyond the dead and wounded, children who witness the violence or cower behind locked doors to hide from it can be profoundly traumatized.
The federal government does not track school shootings, so The Post pieced together its numbers from news articles, open-source databases, law enforcement reports and calls to schools and police departments.
The children impacted grew with each round of reporting: from 135,000 students in at least 164 primary and secondary schools to more than 187,000 on 193 campuses.
Since March, The Post has taken a closer look at states with fewer local news sources and searched more deeply for less visible public suicides and accidents that led to injury.
The count now stands at more than 206,000 children at 211 schools.
Why were Republicans so desperate to release the embarrassing Comey memos? Here is one explanation.
On Thursday, the Department of Justice handed James Comey’s contemporaneous memos of his conversations with President Donald Trump over to Congress. They were immediately revealed to the press.
Some House Republicans had gone so far as to threaten Rosenstein with impeachment if he didn’t release the memos. (His reason for not wanting to do so seems to have been a legitimate desire not to break long-standing protocol by revealing the details of an ongoing investigation.)
Since the start of the year—but particularly since the start of the book tour—Republicans have suggested that the memos Comey had leaked were actually classified documents and that he had perjured himself about this in Senate testimony.
It seems that the memos released prove the exact opposite: The apparently leaked documents were never and still aren’t classified.
November 7, 2018
The Weekly Standard
Political observers are understandably focused on November 6, 2018—Election Day. What happens then will be important for the next couple of years: a Democratic wave, carrying that party to control of the House for the first time since 2010, and perhaps even to a majority in the Senate? A strong Republican showing, in which Donald Trump again surprises the experts? A mixed result? And what of the governors and state legislatures?
The outcome of the 2018 electoral contests will have consequences on matters ranging from public policy to the possibility of impeachment. There will be other political implications too, for example for redistricting after the 2020 census. And, of course, new and rising stars will emerge, and others formerly on the ascendant will fall.
But there’s reason to look ahead as well to the first Wednesday in November. On Wednesday, November 7, the two-year presidential cycle begins in earnest and will quickly come to dominate the conversation.
Much of the attention will turn to the mad scramble for the Democratic nomination. But it will also mark a new moment and a potential inflection point for Republicans.
Behind James Comey’s ‘A Higher Loyalty’
One of the inherent features of no-win situations is that someone loses. Colleagues may understand what you did because they trust you. If you’re lucky, so may your boss. But when something terrible happens, the public will need to assign blame. This is inevitable, and assuming that burden is part of leadership.
Comey will, I suspect, spend the rest of his life answering questions about why he did what he did during the 2016 election cycle. In many respects, I don’t consider that a problem.
But in one critical respect, it is a problem.
Our collective focus on the Comey question erodes our focus on the crisis before us. It makes complicated what is not complicated—as the reaction to Comey’s book vividly illustrates.